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Selections from Michelle
Calcote, Keuk Young Kim
and Virginia Rada
Clicking on a name above will take you to the
corresponding essay on this page.
Clicking on each name below will take you to
the writer's personal profile.
In Stevenson’s chapter, “Western Mass Media,” the author claims that privatization and commercialization are two trends that are expected to change Western, especially European, media in the twenty-first century. He claims that audience dissatisfaction exists in Europe with the “low appeal programming” of the traditional Western media systems (Stevenson, p. 170). He also claims that the public service broadcasting model is threatened by financial demands that the government and public do not want to fulfill (Ibid.).
Before U.S. media consumers assume the public service system of European media should “succumb” to the “natural” forces of the market, removing government and social control and allowing advertising and consumer choice create programming schedules, a critical analysis of the role of advertising – and thus the open market decisions – in the United States should be conducted.
Gloria Steinem, the founding editor of “Ms.” magazine, recounted
her experiences of trying to create a feminist magazine free from the control
and influence of advertising in the July/August 1990 issue of “Ms.” Steinem
illustrated in detail the effects of advertising on content. According
to Steinem, advertisers in women’s magazines demand complimentary copy
are run next to their advertisement (p. 158). In other words, many advertisers
demand suggestions and advice on products – the advertiser’s products –
within the editorial copy. Also, if copy is liberal or radical, advertisers
will pull support from the magazine.
Steinem had some startling statistics: the May 1990 issue of Elle included
326 total pages, of which only 39 were non-advertising or non-advertising
related. The November 1989 issue of Lear’s contained 173 total pages, of
which 65 were non-advertising or non-advertising related. To illustrate
advertisers’ demands for complimentary copy, Steinem said that Bristol-Myers
stipulates ads be placed next to “a full page of compatible material” (p.
159). Another potential advertiser, Johnson & Son, dictated that its
advertisements “should not be opposite extremely controversial features
or material antithetical to the nature/copy of the advertised product”
(p. 159). Proctor & Gamble, a powerful U.S. advertiser, demanded that
its products were “not to be placed in any issue that included any material
on gun control, abortion, the occult, cults, or the disparagement of religion”
(p. 159). The company also advised caution on any issue covering sex or
drugs, even for educational purposes.
Steinem lamented the state of women’s magazines because of the effect
of advertising. She said: It’s all so familiar. A writer trying to
make something of a nothing assignment; an editor laboring to think of
new ways to attract ads; readers assuming that other women must want this
ridiculous stuff; more women suffering for lack of information, insight,
creativity, and laughter that could be on these same pages (p. 160).
Although Steinem’s article focused on women’s magazines, further
research has shown advertising control increasing in U.S. media. The European
media system – built to be free of advertising and market control – should
be analyzed with the effects of advertising in mind. Although many U.S.
citizens would view European media’s government influence as a form of
restriction of speech, many Europeans would see U.S. advertising influence
as a restriction of speech. I will end this paper with an excerpt from
Russ Baker’s 1997 article “The Squeeze.” The excerpt is the following quote
of a letter from Chrysler’s advertising agency, PentaCom, to at least fifty
magazines.
In an effort to avoid potential conflicts, it is required that Chrysler
Corporation be alerted in advance of any and all editorial content that
encompasses sexual, political, social issues or any editorial that might
be construed as provocative or offensive. Each and every issue that carries
Chrysler advertising requires a written summary outlining major theme/articles
appearing in upcoming issues. These summaries are to be forwarded to PentaCom
prior to closing in order to give Chrysler ample time to review and reschedule
if desired... (p. 161).
References
Baker, R. (1998). “The Squeeze: Some major advertisers step up the pressure on magazines to alter their content. Will editors bend?” In Gorham, J. (Ed.), Annual Editions: Mass Media 98/99 (pp. 161 – 165). Guilford, CT: Dushkin/McGraw-Hill. (Reprinted from Columbia Journalism Review, pp. 30 – 34, 36, September/October 1997).
Steinem, G. (1998). “Sex, Lies & Advertising.” In Gorham, J. (Ed.), Annual Editions: Mass Media 98/99 (pp. 152 – 160). Guilford, CT: Dushkin/McGraw-Hill. (Reprinted from Ms. magazine, pp. 18-28, July/August 1990).
Stevenson, R. (1994). “Western Mass Media.” Global Communication in
the Twenty-First Century. (pp. 163 – 184). White Plains, NY: Longman Publishing
Group.
In his chapter Western Mass Media, Stevenson discusses the European media systems with analysis of the culture and press freedom. Specifically, he talks about media systems in France, Germany, and Japan and their characteristics. In his discussion of Japanese media system, he mentions that “politically, economically, and militarily it [Japan] clearly belongs to the same loose grouping that includes Western Europe and North America.” Should I just accept his argument, which is presented without any proper evidence, because he shows confidence by using the word “clearly?” No. As far as I know, Japan’s political system and the way in which it operates within the country, even though it is superficially similar to that of Britain, are different from Western Europe and North American, because Japan is different culturally and historically. Japanese cultural and historical factors might play a big role in dictating the activities of governmental entities (e.g. the emperor, the Prime Minister, the parliament, etc.) and the behaviors of politicians toward citizens. It is because the thinking systems and behaviors of players in a political system are influenced by their historical and cultural backgrounds, although they might not affect the superficial structures of the system.
It is difficult to see why Stevenson mentions that Japan economically belongs to “the loose grouping that includes Western Europe and North America,” because he does not provide any evidence. Is it only because Japan is one of economical superpowers that include some Western European and North American nations of which Stevenson is so proud? In my opinion, Japan is not similar to Western Europe and North America economically. The Japanese have unique characteristics of doing economical activities.
In corporations, for example, Japanese employers, who are hired when
they are young and inexperienced, approach their jobs as a lifetime.
“Given the familial structure of companies, the advantage of seniority
and the strong sense of identity with the organization…there is little
movement from one company to another in Japan” (DeVos and Bock 17).
Another example would the “cronyism,” a one of unique ways of exercising
government intervention in Japan. In addition, the “life-time commitment”
to a company and “cronyism” are the common characteristics now can be seen
in Asian nations, which adopted and are influenced by Japanese economic
model and share cultural aspects with Japan.
Japan is also different militarily from some nations of Western
Europe and North America. After the World War II, as far as I understand,
Japan has been severely limited in this category. And, it is one
of the reasons, along the lack of world leadership, which Japan can not
attain the kind of status and power that U.S. has.
Stevenson also argues that “wa [harmony or peace] is achieved by voluntary accommodation to the group, not by authoritarian dictate, as group values are enforced in many other countries” (178). Even thought it is true that Japanese stress harmony and peace between the individual and society wa is not achieved by authoritarian dictate, it is achieved not by voluntary accommodation either but by cultural training. Japanese are trained and educated socially and culturally that wa is a very important since birth. In addition, wa is not only a characteristic of Japan but also that of many Asian countries, which historically and culturally had (have) been affected by Confucianism.
Stevenson seems to argue that wa and kisha club is the reason for Japanese media’s uniformity of coverage and lack of critical reporting. But, even though Stevenson seems partially true, there are more important reasons for these. According to Keiichi Katsura, a professor at Ritsumeikan University, one of the reasons for these is profit. He said, “if something really different is taken up, newspapers fear their circulation will drop; TV networks fear sponsors will stop advertising” (Jameson 8A). Also, other interest groups’ criticism and even violence against media is accounted for Japan’s “bland, homogenized media” (Cooper-Chen 18). Cooper-Chen argues that “organized crime, religious groups and disgruntled celebrities… lash out at the media” (Cooper-Chen 19). For example, “In 1994[,] a man wielding a sword and another toting a gun, both members of the right-wing Taihikai group, took two hostages at the Asahi Shimbun’s Tokyo office to protest postwar reporting…In 1987 one Asahi Shimbun reporter was killed and another critically injured by a gunman reportedly allied to an extreme rightist group” (Cooper-Chen 19).
References
Stevenson Robert L. Global Communication in the Twenty-First Century
Longman Publishing Group (1994). P163-184.
Cooper-Chen Anne Mass Communication in Japan
Iowa State University Press (1997): Ames. P3-36 210-216.
DeVos, George, and Audie Bock Themes in Japanese Society
as Seen through the
Japanese FilmRegents of University of California: Berkeley.
(1974). p17.
Jameson, Sam Violence chilling freedom of speech in Japan.
Yomiuri Shimbun
(October 17): 8A
References
Fico, F. & Soffin, S. "Fairness and Balance of Selected Newspaper Coverage of Controversial National, State, and Local Issues." J&MC Quarterly, (Autumn, 1995), 72(3), pp. 621-633.
Stevenson, Robert L. (1994). Global Communication in the Twenty-First Century. New York: Longman Publishing Group.
Virginia Rada
Stevenson in his chapter seven presents an analysis of European media where emphasizes in the diversity of cultures in Europe but highlights similarities of its media and eventually compares this, with media in North America. It is curious that Stevenson does not presents British media in the context of Western media just because it is an English speaking country and in contrast, presents Japan because it follows (according to him) the Western pattern instead of be seen as a unity for itself. In fact, it is bold to generalize media in European countries, despite the attempts to reach a common identity, media vary like cultures in Europe.
He states that governments and politic have strong influence in the
media, in contrast to the United States where media is “freer”. It
is his idea that governments in Europe represent the expression of culture
(165). With this he supports a stretch linkage between media
a government. He also affirms that “European seem to be less suspicious
of government (and more suspicious of big business) than Americans and
to have sense that government and mass media are not necessarily hostile
to each other” (165). Stevenson seems to think that governmental influence
in the media is more drastic and relevant than private or economic influence.
He affirms that European media tend to be openly partisans. Nonetheless
he states a reflection in which the doubt if it is really government participation
a coaxing element in the context of a free press o free communication.
He supports that governmental press subsides are vital in some countries,
like Sweden. In the other hand, in some cases, government watches
for the social obligations that media should have in contrast to those
privates and economics interests.
A more critic article is presented by Philip Schlesinger where he discuses a policy document from the Commission of the European Communities “Television without Frontiers”. In this the objective was to connect mass media and the creation of a European identity. Broadcasting, in this perspective, was perceived as a source of common meanings and of cultural cohesion. The aspiration , to make a common European culture and identity via transborder flows of European-made television. However, bearing in mind the strength of national preferences, both for national styles and contents in television consumption patterns, it could fairly be said that the real common currency of the European Audiovisual space is actually American television’s output, for the U.S. producers the moving images that most easily traverse any European national barriers. By contrast, European-produced programs apparently offer much more limited scope for audience identification and do not travel too well beyond their national confines or, their language area. Schlesinge argues “robustness of European states and their languages makes it extremely unlike that further political integration will be accompanied by language unification” (15).
Comparing the perspectives of these two authors is interesting to realize that one, Stevenson, maintains that governments have a notorious influence in most of the European media and with the objective of protect the European identity, the US productions are avoided. In contrast, Schlesinge affirms that American production still have a strong penetration in the European mass media, the role of the government in the media is relative, it participates as an element else in the social structure, and despite the efforts to construct a European identity through Audiovisual media, still there is a long way before reach a common identity.
Europe involves a construction and reconstruction of a sense of themselves by self-identifying communities, using the signs provided by their cultures. It is part of a process of elaboration of collective consciousness. Communications play a relevant role in the formations of a collective identity. Europe exemplifies in acute form the problem of constructing a collective identity for diverse people amongst whom nationhood and statehood remain key principles of sociocultural and political economic cohesion.
References
Schlesinge, Philip (1995). Wishful Thinking: Cultural Politics,
Media, and Collective Identities in Europe. Journal of Communications.
Vol. 45, no 2:6-16
Stevenson, Robert L. (1994). “Western Mass Media”. Global Communication
in the Twenty-First Century. Longman Publishing Group. (163-184)